TURKPULSE No:7 ............................NOVEMBER 4th,  1999

ON THE EVE OF ECEVIT’S OFFICIAL VISIT TO MOSCOW

PM Ecevit’s visit to Washington was not an outstanding historical landmark. Will the forthcoming visit to Moscow be different? Ecevit expects stunning and pleasing results from Moscow. Blue Stream is already going on, he says. Fresh economic arrangements are sure to come forth from Moscow, but the real importance is political and strategic for the entire region – the Balkans, the Middle East and especially the Caucasus. The visit coincides with the Iraqi opposition’s New York meeting and the Chechen events. An analysis of these events can be a roadmap for what to expect of the Moscow visit that may prove to be an outstanding event of world importance, on the eve of the new millennium.

When a journalist remarked that PM Ecevit’s official visit to Washington at the end of September was inconclusive, the American Ambassador to Ankara, Mark Parris, said:

"…This wasn’t the kind of visit that Nixon’s visit to China was, or that Mikhail Gorbachev’s first visit to the United States was. This was a visit involving a relationship that is mature, that is multifaceted, that is viewed by both countries as one we are basically satisfied with."

PM Ecevit and his Foreign Minister, Ismail Cem, made similar appraisals of the visit. Cem noted that there was an October 4th syndrome about Cyprus – the United States would give an ultimatum to Turkey, the UN Security Council and Koffi Annan would corner the Turkish side and Denktas would be denounced by the world for undermining a peaceful solution to Cyprus. "Where do all these claims stand now," the Foreign Minister wanted to know. He gave the answer himself by saying that they had explained well in Washington that nothing would come of the Denktas-Clerides talks as long as one side was treated by the world as a head of state and the other as a secessionist rebel leader.

There were some other achievements for the Turkish rulers during the latest Washington visit and President Clinton’s forthcoming state visit to Turkey was certainly one of them, but all in all, it could not be described as a "landscape visit", to say the least.

Ecevit expects pleasing results from Moscow visit

Will PM Ecevit’s forthcoming visit to Moscow be different from the one to Washington? A mass circulation daily has already quoted him as saying that he would come back from Moscow with surprisingly good news for the Turkish nation, but what this good news is remains to be seen. It may be some sort of a free trade area between Turkey and Russia to legitimise, regulate and widen the so-called "suitcase trade".

PM Ecevit said on Sunday (31st) during a televised interview that the Turkish economy had already become intermingled with and interdependent on the Russian economy. When an economic crisis appeared in Russia as from August 1998 Turkey was also adversely affected, he noted. He said Turkey’s exports to Russia were $4 billion, not counting $6 billion "suitcase trade". Also, 400 Turkish companies were making investments and carrying out contracting services in Russia. When the economic crisis hit that country Turkey was also badly affected because Russia now plays a very important role in the Turkish economy. In the first five months of this year, Turkey’s exports to Russia declined by 70% because of the economic crisis, but Russian exports to Turkey only went down by 1% because Turkey continued to import natural gas from that country, he explained. Asked if the Blue Current Project would be finalised during his visit to Moscow, Ecevit said that there was nothing to finalise. It was already going on at full speed. Russia had found the necessary financing and technology from Italy for this project, he stressed.

While all these are important breakthroughs in mutual relations, Turkey’s stance on the international political and strategic aspects of the region is even more important for both Washington and Moscow. The latest developments concerning Iraq and Chechnya are cases in point at the moment.

Iraqi opposition’s New York meeting frustrates the American Coordinator

One of the two prominent leaders of the Kurdish community of northern Iraq, Jelal Talabani, was standing by and being frustrated in Washington during PM Ecevit’s visit to the United States. He had apparently been taken there to seek Turkey’s gesture, if not support, in favour of the forthcoming meeting of the Iraqi opposition in New York. The Turkish Government was firm in denying any manifestation of sympathy with that meeting which Ankara sees as an unacceptable secessionist move against Iraq’s territorial integrity. No Turkish ruler was receptive to Talabani or any of the Iraqi opposition members, and Ecevit said it in so many words to a Newsweek correspondent.

The Iraqi opposition still held a four-day meeting in New York between October 29th and November 1st, but it was a total fiasco. This meeting, known as the Iraqi National Congress (INC) held for the first time in seven years, was supposed to bring together 320 delegates from all 12 major opposition groups to Saddam Hussein, including 50-60 Kurds from autonomous northern Iraq. They represent groups ranging from the Iraqi Kurds through monarchists to Shi’ite Muslim groups from the south of Iraq.

The first blow to the meeting came from Tehran. The main Shi’ite group, the Iranian based SCIRI (Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq) was the first to announce, contrary to its initial statement, that it would not go to New York. It announced that it had "turned down US aid and is wary of US influence".

Ten other opposition groups followed suit and boycotted the session, "dismissing the INC as ineffective and too reliant on Washington".

Nevertheless, the American organisers managed to bring together about 300 delegates – half from Iraq and the rest from Syria, Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Europe, USA and Canada. A New York datelined AP dispatch (1st) reads, "As the conference neared on end Sunday night, delegates still hadn’t debated the proposed vision for the future – which includes a new constitution with a democratic government and respects human rights."

At the time of drafting this article, the conference had not yet elected a 51-member central committee to serve as a kind of Iraqi government or a mini-parliament in exile meeting twice a year. The American co-ordinators may eventually work out a face-saving arrangement for this conference and the INC, but it is apparent that the US Administration is becoming impatient with the so-called Iraqi opposition bickering within itself rather than fighting Saddam Hussein.

As a matter of fact, the State Department and other American agencies were not in favour of holding such a conference without securing Turkey’s support first, but the Congress insisted and saw for itself if the $97 million allotted for this purpose was viable or not. This may be the last of such conferences by the Iraqi opposition, unless Washington wins over Ankara to this idea, and no such development should be expected from Turkey under the existing conditions. Far from it, PM Ecevit urged Washington during his last visit that Turkey’s sacrifices for and losses from "Operation North Watch" from Incirlik should be compensated by the United States which has stopped military aid as from the beginning of this year. ( Operation North Watch Put to the Test). This matter will have to be settled by the end of the year when the mandate of North Watch ends, if another undesirable embargo period will not be lived through in US-Turkish relations.

Wahabi activities in the Fergana Valley and the Caucasus will be curbed

The second international issue in point is the events in the Caucasus and Central Asia, stretching as far as Pakistan and the subcontinent. To put it in a nutshell, the Wahabi aggression in the Fergana Valley, the Caucasus and Central Asia, is also disturbing Turkey and Iran.

Leaving the details of this phenomenon to another Pulse article, it is a fact that Washington (at least the CIA) has adopted in recent years the policy of using Islamic fundamentalism as a tool to further disintegrate the Russian Federation and win over what they call NIS (newly independent countries).

A Turkish saying goes, "A wise enemy is better than a foolish friend." The USA’s unwise friend, Tansu Ciller, said over the TV on November 1st that Ecevit was even afraid of denouncing the current Chechen events and that, as the Prime Minister of Turkey at that time, she had achieved the Chechens’ victory in the 1994-1996 period. This claim was exactly what Pulse wrote at the outbreak of today’s Chechen events. ( Washington determines Turkey’s place among economic blocs.)

To this background Ecevit’s Moscow visit is taking place. Because Turkey is not a superpower like the United States or the USSR, this visit cannot possibly be like Nixon’s visit to China or Gorbachev’s first visit to Washington, but can it not be at least like the one PM Ecevit paid to Moscow in June 1978?

At that time Ecevit went to Moscow and extended the Turkish-Soviet co-operation from the economic field to political and strategic area by signing the Turkish-Soviet Political Co-operation document that had no secret provisions, but secret interpretations.

It called for making the Turkish-Soviet frontier a frontier of friendship and co-operation. It stipulated to co-operate for having regimes "based on the people" in this region. The first victim of these rules was the Shah of Iran. Pulse wrote at that time (in its weekly supplement, Diplomat, of July 19th, 1978) that unless the Shah stopped following policies against his people "the unrest (in Iran) will gain a racialist and sectarian flavour and bring to an end this last emperor of the world. And this will all happen comparatively swiftly in terms of world history, within a year or so." The Shah did not last a year. Exactly six months from that article he packed up and left his country to the Islamic Revolution.

Today the situation in the region is much more serious than in 1978. Turkey and the Russian Federation, as well as Iran and the newly independent central Asian republics are greatly disturbed by Wahabi fundamentalism and they see Saudi Arabia and Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan as the main tools of implementing these unhealthy policies in Afghanistan and the Fergana Valley.

Determined not to allow in their countries a regime similar to Afghanistan’s Taliban administration, these countries may co-operate more openly and effectively in future to curb this fundamentalism. The current developments in Dagestan and Chechnya, the coup in Pakistan, the peaceful steps the new military administration has taken in Kashmir after the coup and the frustration concerning the Iraqi opposition are all steps taken in this direction. Ecevit’s visit to Moscow may consolidate these arrangements because Taliban type administrations are inhumane for any nation. Anyone working for such archaic regimes is bound to be frustrated. uras@ada.net.tr, November 4th, 1999

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